I can say that the Brotherhood will not ally itself with the regime against the people. Because the Brotherhoodâ€™s success depends on the peopleâ€™s support for them in the syndicates and protests. So the Brotherhood will not become part of the regime by forming an alliance with it, and they will not neglect the feelings of the people which reject the continuation of the deteriorating political and economic situation, and they will not abandon the national consensus, because they are patriots and patriotism is a part of [Islamic] faith.The Brotherhoodâ€™s opponents would like nothing more than to see "Egypt's most popular opposition force" side with Mubarak, thus stripping the organization of credibility, but it doesnâ€™t seem likely. More sober analysts seem to think the Brotherhood will boycott the presidential elections all together. But one has to wonder why they are holding out on publicizing their intentions. Ayman Nourâ€™s decision to appeal to the Brotherhood for support has been portrayed by Al Misry Al Yom as a response to Pope Shenoudaâ€™s announcement of support for Mubarak in the name of all Copts. Shenoudaâ€™s pledge of loyalty prompted one Coptic priest to break ranks and join forces with the Ghad Party, for which he was suspended from the church for six weeks. Police reportedly intervened earlier this week to break up a demonstration by Coptic youth protesting the suspension outside a church in Giza. Magdy Mihana writes in Al Misry Al Yom:
With what right do religious men have the right to advise the people on their national and political choices?... Church leadersâ€™ decision to turn to the media represents a violation of the tenets of the Christian religionâ€¦ We find ourselves confronting something positive because it exposes the hypocritical face of the church, because, while the great church leaders are content to partake in political activities, they order the suspension of a church priest when he practices his right as a citizen to support the position of one of the opposition parties.A new daily paper has hit Egyptian newsstands. Roz al Yussuf, the liberal government weekly that once represented the pinnacle of Egyptian journalism, but has since become little more than government propagandist drivel, began publishing a daily newspaper this week. In their first issue last Moday they attacked Kefaya, accusing it of having foreigners among its rolls. The accusation was based on the fact that foreigners are involved with the Socialist Studies Center, whose leader, Kamal Khalil, is a member of Kifaya. Kifaya promptly responded on its Web site. And the Roz al Yussuf daily responded with a second front page article in todayâ€™s paper, accusing Kifaya of lying, and claiming it had the tapes to prove it.
The Dubai General prosecution is investigating a case filed by a UAE national businessman, Rashid M, against his wife who he accuses of adultery. The wife in turn has filed a counter claim against the husband accusing him of adultery.
The wife had travelled to visit her family outside Dubai and spent two days with them. When she returned to her villa in the Al Yanabee area in Dubai she heard voices in her bedroom; she opened the door and was shocked to see her husband making love to his Moroccan secretary. She did not take any action as the Moroccan woman ran away and her husband put on his clothes. Instead she called her Pakistani driver to her bedroom and asked him to strip and forced him to make love to her. In the middle of the session she called her husband to come up to the bedroom.
The husband was ostensibly reviled and physically assaulted the wife and attempted to kill the driver who fled from the scene. Now both husband and wife have filed complaints against each other and asked the general prosecution to prove who has been wronged.
A high-level Algerian source said his country was not keen on attending the summit, adding that Algeria was upset on the way the summit was hurriedly organised. He pointed out that the summit was for â€˜local consumptionâ€™ and seeks to serve the Egyptian agenda as the presidential election in that country gets closer. The source, who requested anonymity, said Algeria would not accept to be summoned to an Arab summit just to serve the local election campaign of an Arab country.At a time when Mubarak's greatest achievement, seven years of terror free stability, is under fire, the Sharm al Sheikh summit is sure to generate lots of media attention, focusing on Mubarak as a bold leader leading the region against terrorism. And hosting the summit in Sharm al Sheikh, in addition to sending the message that Sharm is bouncing back, will provide a much needed boost to the resort's economy, which will also benefit Mubarak politically. So no doubt there is political capital to be gained domestically here. Sort of like Bush's landing on the aircraft carrier, or his speech before both houses of congress after 9/11. Then again, Arab leaders have been coming under fire, rightly so in many cases, for not taking a strong enough stand against Islamic extremism. It seems that anti-terror summits such as those planned for Sharm shouldn't be discouraged, especially by Algeria, which has its own distinguished history of Islamic militancy. And if this is true, are we to understand that Bouteflika is against the reelection of Mubarak?
"Down with the rule of the dog Mubarak."
"The real genesis of Al Qaeda violence has more to do with a Western tradition of individual and pessimistic revolt for an elusive ideal world than with the Koranic conception of martyrdom".This seems to me to be a more useful approach to modern violence of this kind than recent attempts to identify the harmful ideology behind the attacks in London or Sharm el-Sheikh. In the UK, a lot of attention has recently been paid to the fiery clerics operating in Britain who are thought to have inspired the London bombers. This is relevant and useful, but at the end of the day, the violence is carried out not by those clerics, but by their hearers. Comparisons with 1970s anarchists, or even with their 19th century forebears in Russia, suggests that it is nihilism in search of the cause that is the constant in the most savage acts of this kind. Looking at Binladenism, it seems that nihilism is the essence and the pursuit of a caliphate is the accidence. Which leads to the conclusion that defeating the ideology of Binladenism will bring only temporary respite from acts like 9/11 and the London bombings. (Incidentally, the New York Review of Books publishes some excellent articles on the Middle East, many of which are free on the website. This issue has an illuminating essay on the Ahmadinejad phenomenon in Iran by Christopher de Bellaigue, and a somewhat alarmist look at rising Iranian influence in Iraq by Peter Galbraith. Last month had an essay on the PA and Hamas by Robert Malley and Hussein Agha).
A cordon of uniformed Central Security [amn al-markazi] blocked the way, surrounding a few dozen protestors. Every now and then the cordon opened and a group of plainclothes men with truncheons dragged out a protestor, often beating the protestor as they did so. Other demonstrators and bystanders started chanting. The police chased them up al-Tahrir Street towards al-Faliki Square. There were now 100 or more demonstrators, followed by 50 or 60 plainclothes men and maybe 200 from Central Security. The Central Security [forces] would surround a small group, and those in plainclothes would grab whoever it was they had picked to arrest.According to a subsequent Interior Ministry statement, demonstrators had provoked the security forces by throwing stones. This journalist said he had witnessed the confrontation from the outset. “I can imagine that some demonstrators may have pushed back when they were attacked,” he said, “but I saw no indication that protestors provoked the violence.” Other journalists and eyewitnesses to the incidents also told Human Rights Watch that they neither witnessed nor heard reports of violence from the side of the protestors. A photographer covering the incidents told Human Rights Watch that he went to a subsequent improvised rally point near the Hurriyya [Freedom] café in Bab al-Luq.
I was setting up my [camera] equipment. It was about 6:30 p.m. and there were maybe 50 people there. All of a sudden out these plainclothes thugs came from everywhere. They all carried the same kind of short club. These guys were not hired, like those who beat up the women [demonstrators and journalists] on May 25. This was very disciplined. They knew who they were after. They went in and grabbed that person, hitting him. After they had pulled him out from the crowd, a uniformed officer would direct them where to take the victim. About 10 people were arrested like this over the course of maybe 15 minutes.Magdi `Abd al-Hamid, a 53-year-old engineer who is also on the board of the Egyptian Association for Community Participation, told Human Rights Watch that he was among the protestors assaulted in Bab al-Luq. The plainclothes security officers chased the demonstrators there, apparently determined to prevent any assembly from occurring. They set upon people in small groups. “One of them tripped me,” he said:
I fell on my face. Two of them then grabbed me by my feet and dragged me on my stomach along the street for about 20 meters. Others beat me with their clubs on my back and shoulders. “Demonstrations against Husni Mubarak are forbidden,” they said. Luckily other demonstrators were able to pull them off of me and I got away.Hossam Bahgat, executive director of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, a Cairo-based organization, spoke on Saturday evening with some of those who had been detained and released that night. Salah Adli, an activist with the Popular Campaign for Change [al-Hamla al-Sha`biyya min agl al-Taghyir] told Bahgat:
I was among the group that was beaten up on Talaat Harb Street. I’ve never seen anything like this. It was only because police opened gaps in their cordon to take people out that we were able to breathe. I saw women and girls being kicked and beaten with batons and clubs. In [the Central Security camp at] Darrasa they took four of us aside to meet with a senior police officer. His main message was that demonstrations were no longer allowed.A woman activist who did not want her name used told Bahgat what she witnessed as she walked toward one of the confrontation points:
I saw many people lifted by their arms and legs and hauled off to police trucks. Police thugs in plainclothes were on both sides hitting the suspended protestors in the head and face, everywhere really. Others were being dragged by their legs on the asphalt while being kicked in the head. They were bleeding as they were taken to the [police] trucks.Adel Badr, a political activist, showed Bahgat bruises on his right arm, his back and above his knees. Badr explained how he had been injured:
I reached Tahrir Square but found it closed off so we moved to the Nasserist Party headquarters [on Talaat Harb Street], about 200 of us. [The police] surrounded us and then a large group of huge men in plainclothes carrying police batons started beating us on every part of our bodies, from all directions. Some protestors were pulled outside the cordon for more beating, or dragged by their legs on the ground to the police trucks.Muhammad Hashim, a publisher, told Bahgat:
The police weren’t simply intimidating us or breaking up the demonstration. Officers in uniform were shouting at thugs to hit harder. We were knocked to the ground and they still didn’t stop kicking us with their shoes and coming down on us with large police batons.`Abd al Hadi al-Mashad, a Kifaya member and schoolteacher from Dakahliyya, told Bahgat that he was also among those in front of the Hurriyya café in Bab al-Luq after being chased from Tahrir Square:
A police officer pointed at me and asked three of the big thugs in plainclothes to get me. “Get this son of a bitch,” he said. They locked me in the entrance of a deserted apartment building for about half an hour. They were holding me by my hair and my belt, completely surrounding me. When I tried to resist they hit my head against the wall. They also hit me on the arm with a police club.Bahgat told Human Rights Watch that he observed serious swelling on al-Mashad’s head and the bruise on his arm. According to al-Mashad, the officers then put him in a police van and took him to Abdeen police station. A senior officer instructed subordinates not to file an arrest report, saying, “Just throw him in a cell until we see what we do with him.” Al-Mashad said police held him until 11:30 p.m. and kicked him in the stomach before releasing him. Trade union activist Kamal Abbas, director of the Center for Trade Unions and Workers Services in Helwan, was reportedly among the most seriously injured. A medical examination and X-rays at Qasr al-Aini University Hospital revealed that Abbas suffered multiple rib fractures, Bahgat said. Journalist Shaaban `Abd al-Rahim al-Daba’ was also reportedly hospitalized with injuries sustained in the incidents. The following detainees were released on bail on August 1 and remain liable for criminal charges by the Higher State Security Prosecution in connection with the July 30 demonstrations: 1- Ahmad Ragheb 2- Muhammad Mamduh Muhammad 3- Muhammad Nabil al-Sayyid Ahmad 4- Islam Muhsin `Abd al-Mu`ti 5- Fawzi Muhammad Ramadan 6- Ibrahim al-Sa`id Muhammad Saleh 7- Sherif Yunis 8- Hamdi Abul-Ma`ati Qenawi 9- Muhammad `Ali Muhammad 10- Hassan Muhammad Hassan al-Barbari 11- Usama Ahmad `Abd al-Salam 12- Mahmud Khaled Fath al-Bab 13- Ashraf Ahmad Hussein 14- Imam Hanafi Imam 15- Adel Imam Khalaf 16- Muhammad `Abbas Kheir 17- Mustafa Khalil Faragallah 18- Nabil Fathi al-Sharbati 19- Yahia `Abbas Hamdi al-Qazzaz 20- `Alaa `Abdallah `Abd al-Shafi 21- Ayman Muhammad al-Shahhat 22- Ahmad Helmi Salem 23- Muhsin Beshir 24- Wael Ahmad Khalil For information on previous crackdowns on dissidents and pro-democracy activists in Egypt, see: “Egypt: Government Uses National Security to Stifle Dissent” (http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/06/21/egypt11185.htm) “Egypt: Calls for Reform Met With Brutality” (http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/05/26/egypt11036.htm) “Egypt: Investigate Attack on Anti-War Protesters” (http://www.hrw.org/press/2003/11/egypt110703.htm) For more information, contact: In Washington D.C., Joe Stork: +1-202-612-4327 In Amman, Fadi al-Qadi (Arabic): +962 (78) 883-7862